“You have to expand the picture”

A veteran diplomat reflects on Mexico’s place in the world.

Just days before President López Obrador (AMLO) "paused" Mexico's ties with the Canadian and US embassies, we sat down with veteran Mexican diplomat Juan José Gómez Camacho. Even then, Mexico's foreign policy seemed to be heading toward an inflection point.

Gómez Camacho exited Mexico’s foreign service in 2022 after 35 years. During that time, he held numerous ambassadorial roles, including in the EU, UN, and Canada. His tenure provided a front-row seat to four consecutive presidencies, as well as Mexico’s global economic integration.

 

AMLO could have given President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum space to establish rapport with Mexico’s allies in his final weeks. Instead, he sparked a series of diplomatic provocations, culminating in the headline-grabbing diplomatic “pause.”

 

Our conversation with Gómez Camacho was intended to focus on AMLO’s foreign policy amid these rising tensions. The discussion quickly broadened into a reflective overview of Mexico’s political history, tracing its shift from an inward autocracy to an open democracy critical to the global economy.

 

“When people analyse AMLO’s foreign policy, they tend to make an abstraction,” Gómez Camacho notes. “You need to expand the picture. Our history is important.”

  • Juan José Gómez Camacho: That has been the source of big criticism, and I think, also misinterpretation. Some have interpreted that as to say we don't need foreign policy and close the shop. I interpret it as to mean that foreign policy is linked to domestic politics. That is a totally different concept, and it would be correct. I’m convinced that every effort, all strategic thinking in terms of foreign policy, must obviously serve Mexico’s domestic interests, as in any other country on the planet, by the way. The point is, though, what are our domestic interests? And our domestic interests are economic growth, prosperity.

     

    Fortunately, because of our geography, we don’t face international or geopolitical threats. Our foreign policy needs to be a sort of engine for prosperity: economic growth, investment, jobs creation, poverty reduction, corruption, violence etc. These are our real threats. These are the challenges that are preventing Mexico from jumping to the next level. Our international involvement, bilaterally or globally, must aim at creating a context where Mexico can prosper.

  • Gómez Camacho: We always struggled with the US. That's a reality. It's difficult sometimes to understand the immense challenge and complexity that come with being the neighbour of the biggest power that has ever existed. So historically, particularly before NAFTA, Mexico tried to contain and balance the US not only bilaterally, directly, but indirectly too.

    And that's where we started to develop real diplomacy. We developed serious capabilities, and an obsession for multilateralism, international law and principles and all that. Because all of that – rules, coalitions, etcetera, gave us the tools to contain the elephant. That’s why we always pushed to strengthen international law, the UN for example. And that's why, genuinely, we not only gained prestige globally, but also, we are pretty damn good! Our capacity to operate, to influence internationally is very important. We didn’t develop this way because we felt ourselves big and geopolitically relevant. It was precisely because we felt weak and vulnerable, vis-à-vis the enormous US power, that we needed to go abroad.

  • Gómez Camacho: We grew. We became more democratic, and our institutions became more modern and sophisticated. Which in many ways starts with NAFTA. We began to move away from a so-called “South” mentality, to feel closer to the West and to integrate with the US, increasingly becoming, in current terminology, an emerging nation and therefore growingly globally systemic. I’m one of the many Mexican diplomats who experienced that, and it’s a version of Mexico that I like: a country with a sense of responsibility and with a place at the table.

    Somehow, I always thought that we were similar to countries like Turkey for instance, in the sense that we have one foot in one world and the other foot in another. Mexico is the South, is the North, is Latin America, is North America, is developing, is poor, is developed.

    And this is not an artificial reflexion. Not at all a triviality. Because of our complex kaleidoscope of realities and multiple belongings, in foreign policy and diplomacy Mexico has almost a unique ability --and skill-- to operate in the middle. To operate in between worlds and more often than not to serve as bridge builder and an effective promotor of workable international arrangements.

  • Gómez Camacho: The fundamental difference I see between AMLO and the rest [of Mexico’s presidents], is that he doesn’t relate to the global nature of Mexico. I don’t think his movement appreciated the need for Mexico to remain systemic and relevant. That's where he departs. But let me not exaggerate this: it's not that before they necessarily perceived it as much more important. The one thing about Mexico – again, not unusual - is that we have a more inward-looking political elite. Sounds like a contradiction, it is although this is the result of very complex social, psychological, geographic and political characteristics.

    AMLO nevertheless, understood very well the US and North America, the critical role they play in Mexico’s future. Surprisingly for many, he became a proactive champion of integration even if often his public discourse seemed to indicate the opposite.

  • Gómez Camacho: I think he and many in the Mexican left are more concerned about foreign ‘imperialists’ and what they see as imposition or intervention in the internal affairs of others. For context, when I entered the Foreign Service, many of my colleagues thought exactly like that. That reflected on cases like Venezuela or Cuba. Now, this is deeper than just a political stance taken by this Administration. It’s something that still runs in the ideological DNA of many people.

    In Mexico the obsessive idea and rhetorical use of the principle of non-intervention remains strong. You have always heard Mexicans saying “no intervención”. So, when many Mexicans think of Venezuela or Cuba, they think intervention, not democracy. Keep in mind that we weren't democratic ourselves. And the whole idea was to preserve our political system without the U.S. and others interfering. Embracing the democratic cause, and the promotion on human rights as a foreign policy imputative, in a historical perspective, was very recent.

  • Gómez Camacho: I don’t know about that, but clearly, they would like to see the “emerging big and relevant Mexico” back at the table. At the same time, I have the impression - based on my experience while representing Mexico abroad - that those counties and partners understood very well the big picture. The broader and complex dynamics that brought this enormous change in the country and got AMLO elected in a massive democratic showing. And not only that; during our recent elections, Claudia

    Sheinbaum won in a landslide, with the biggest vote in Mexico’s history. So AMLO is not an anomaly as many tended to see him. On the contrary, he is there because of all the failures of the past and the exhaustion of the majority of Mexicans. None of this means that our partners agree with his policies, views or that there not conflicts and concerns. Of course there are many. My simple point is that they understand.

  • Gómez Camacho: Frankly I tend to believe that Mexico will return to the international scene and will have go back to a more proactive foreign policy. I see her traveling and getting involved internationally. Of course, the US will remain in the centre of her challenges, by the way, regardless of who wins in November. And I also think that she will feel comfortable and confident in US.