Anyone following Mexican politics knows the job of an opposition lawmaker is in danger of becoming one of the more redundant features of Mexico’s political life. As the ruling Morena Party pushes through its sweeping constitutional reform agenda, known as Plan C, Mexico’s political opposition has been relegated to the side-lines of the national conversation.

Iraís Reyes is a federal lawmaker from the opposition Citizens’ Movement (MC) and a constitutional law professor. Youthful and energetic, she offers a candid view of the challenges she and her colleagues are up against in the face of Morena’s overwhelming dominance.

Reflecting on the scale of Morena’s reform agenda, she’s unmoved by the volume of constitutional amendments. “It’s normal that new governments introduce constitutional changes,” she says. “It’s a bad habit, but it happens because we don’t trust our legal system.”

What’s new, she argues, is Morena’s complete control of the conversation after June’s elections. Since Mexico’s democratic opening in 2000, past presidents had to negotiate with opposition parties to pass key constitutional reforms. Morena, Reyes says, feels no need to compromise.

“They are arrogant,” she states. “They feel powerful, and there is no discussion with the opposition. They don’t even talk to us.”

Bills are often presented less than 24 hours before votes, leaving no time for debate. Even when there’s agreement on outcomes, Morena excludes opposition input. This dynamic frustrates Reyes. “Our position is moral,” she explains. “We have to make people see Congress and understand how important their vote is,” she says. Yet convincing the public of Congress’s importance remains a struggle. Ordinary Mexicans are largely dismissive of lawmakers and focus more on the presidency. Reyes believes visibility is key.

Lawmakers haven’t made that an easy task for themselves. Many are referred to as “chapulín,” or grasshopper. It infers fecklessness and sleaze – often used in the context of unfaithful romantic partners. But in Mexico’s politics it’s a shorthand describing how easily some hop between parties for personal gain rather than political principles. Thirty-seven legislators switched parties during AMLO’s term, and MC hasn’t been immune from the phenomenon.

But Morena’s relentless pace also complicates Reyes’ mission. “We have been kidnapped by Morena’s agenda,” she says. “We don’t have time to start policy discussions because we’re always responding to their programme.” Reyes compares the opposition’s position to children protesting their parents’ decisions. That’s by design. “They know if they open the space for debate, they will lose the debate,” she says. The challenge for opposition parties and civil society groups is finding a way to force a different debate.

The so-called Plan C reflects Morena Party founder AMLO’s core priorities. These reforms are non-negotiable. But what happens after Plan C? Will a space for broader political discussion emerge?

Cracks in Morena’s armoury showed this week when an argument between influential party lawmakers Ricardo Monreal and Adán Augusto burst into the open. It escalated to the point where President Claudia Sheinbaum felt the need to intervene. To critics, this shows Morena is not the united party Sheinbaum insists that it is. Still, it’s a question without a clear answer as Mexico heads toward a critical and unpredictable 2025.

Reyes believes the balance of power in Congress could change come the 2027 midterms. Whatever happens, she is determined to keep a long-term view. “Our voice in Congress is for history.”