Mexico’s National Electoral Institute (INE) wasn’t subtle in its reluctance to accommodate Somos México. The INE claimed there weren’t enough toilets to host a gathering outside its headquarters to celebrate the opposition group’s application for political party status, lodged this week. The INE’s cold shoulder will be one of many hurdles the group faces in becoming a fully-fledged political party.

Somos México has emerged from Mexico’s Pink Tide and National Civic Front movements. Both have long opposed the ruling Morena Party. These groups led street-level resistance to former President López Obrador’s (AMLO) controversial reforms, including leadership changes at the INE and his judicial reforms.

One of Somos México’s founding members is Cecilia Soto, a former PRD congresswoman and Worker’s Party presidential candidate who is an active member of Mexico’s Pink Tide. “We are not presenting ourselves as right or left,” she says. “But as a movement focused on rights and citizenship, aiming to avoid the polarization caused by AMLO and Morena.”

The group’s application comes as Mexico’s political landscape shifts. The parties that dominated for decades are crumbling. Movimiento Ciudadano (MC) shows potential as an opposition force but hasn’t proven itself nationally. Eduardo Verástegui’s Viva México has also applied for party status. Yet far-right conservatism struggles in a country still shaped by a century of Revolutionary education.

Starting a new political party in Mexico isn’t easy. Strict requirements include signing up 250,000 members and holding 200 assemblies within a year. Soto says, “We want to be ready for the 2027 midterms.” They’ll have to move fast to make that happen.

Somos México’s coalition of middle-class professionals, academics, and civil society groups largely mirrors the one behind Xóchitl Gálvez’s defeat last year. Critics might accept that’s enough to meet party registration requirements, but hardly enough to challenge Morena nationally. But the plan is to deny Morena a renewed congressional supermajority in the midterms. If they can do that without further splintering the opposition, they could gain national traction.

Soto acknowledges Morena’s dominance. “The polls show a very strong identification with Morena,” she admits. “Many voters don’t see the need for a new party.”

Another challenge is balancing experience with fresh faces. Somos México includes political veterans like Enrique de la Madrid (ex-PRI) and Guadalupe Acosta Naranjo (ex-PRD), alongside plenty of young activists. This mix has its pitfalls. “People ask, ‘Who’s in your party?’ You tell them the names, and they say, ‘Oh, the same old people.’ Then you tell them the young people’s names, and they don’t know them. It’s paradoxical,” Soto says. But Morena’s own ranks include recycled figures from the past, many with worse baggage. If Somos México can navigate this dynamic, it could undercut Morena’s message.

This paradox isn’t unique to Mexico. Established parties worldwide are losing relevance. In Britain, the Tories face challenges from Reform UK, boosted by Elon Musk. In France, the National Front disrupts the old guard. Germany’s far-right AFD is doing the same. The US has seen a MAGA-fuelled transformation of the Republican Party. These insurgent movements, like Morena, thrive on populist, disruptive energy. It’s unclear if there’s space for a movement focused on civic reconciliation and political plurality. But for Soto, that’s the point. “We are losing the country,” she warns. “You can’t have Christmas dinner with your family due to polarization.”

Somos México has learned from Xochitl Gálvez’s sweeping defeat last year. Soto admits they misread the public mood. “The country was saying we are happy,” she recalls, referring to AMLO’s wildly popular welfare programs. “The opposition’s response was, ‘No, you don’t know how unhappy you are.’ We were blind.” Now, Soto says the new party will focus on listening. Their 200 planned rallies aim to spark conversations with voters and shape policies accordingly.

It’s a steep climb, but Soto is optimistic. She sees openings in regions like the Bajío, Veracruz, Mexico City, and even Monterrey, an MC stronghold. It’s likely that Mexico’s fractured opposition will keep benefiting Morena for now. But the outcome of this generational political shift is as consequential as anything in Mexico’s democratic history. For Somos México, it’s all to play for.